Voodoo economics and Team Obama

Will Wilkinson (of the Cato Institute) in an editorial on Marketplace Morning Report points to Harvard's Robert Barro's opposition to the stimulus package. In an opinion piece published in the Wall Street Journal on 1/22/09, Barro explains why he views "Team Obama's" stimulus package as misguided. I have two comments to make about his piece . (1) What Barro characterizes as the flaw in Obama's stimulus package. "The theory (the simple Keynesian macroeconomic model) implicitly assumes that the government is better than the private market at marshaling idle resources to produce useful stuff. Unemployed labor and capital can be utilized at essentially zero social cost, but the private market is somehow unable to figure any of this out. In other words, there is something wrong with the price system". We may indeed appreciate the real opportunities there are in picking up dirt cheap shares of stock or in starting up a business when rents are so low and equipment can be had for a song (and finding workers who are willing to work for peanuts as well ). However as rational self-interested individuals we tend to fall back on the old adage "fools rush in ...." Individual consumers, creditors, and businesses will of course be happy to join the crowd but only once such a crowd forms. This is the problem. It is, at the very least arguably the case, that since Arrow and Hahn that significant advances in macroeconomics have come as we have worked on the implications of models with incomplete markets and where the agents in our models act strategically. The conclusion that emerges from this work is that, as Keynes argued, there is indeed something wrong with the price system. Barro seems to suggest that it is preposterous to suggest that our friend the marketplace can have any faults. However, to say that she has weaknesses does not imply that we do not respect her and do not think that, with help, she is better suited to the task than others would be. (2) Basic statistics. A sample of size one is a pretty slender thread to hand one's argument on. I took a look at the same numbers (in 2000 dollars rather than 1996) that Barro uses on government spending and changes in real GDP. Using the increase not just in federal defense spending but the increase in real federal spending overall and the same crude calculations Barro does I get a rough and ready expenditure multipliers of .56, .68, and 1.02 for 1941-42, 1942-1943, and 1943-1944. The point here is not to quibble about the numbers but to note four things. First, as federal government spending was growing over this period, state and local government spending was falling. Between 1939 and 1944 the overall level of state and local government spending fell by almost 40 billion dollars (on a base of real income much much smaller both in absolute and per capita terms than what America generates today). Just as it is hard to assess the impact of the medication a patient is taking for high blood pressure when the patient continues to work in a stressful job and smokes a pack of cigarettes a day, these changes in the level of state and local government spending almost certainly dampened the stimulative impact of increased government spending at the federal level. Second, using the same basic approach that Barro uses but simply averaging the ratio of changes in real income to real federal government spending from 1929 to this last year I get an average of over $7. In short, I could make the outlandish claim that over the last 79 years the evidence suggests that, on average, a dollar increase in federal governemt spending generates not just a free lunch but a veritable banquet of $7 increases in spending and earnings. To suggest this would be irresponsible in the extreme. Often, the increases and the drops in real income have had very little to do with the changes in government spending at the federal level of government. For example, in the 1990s we saw federal government spending fall as real income rose in the wake of the tech boom and expansionary monetary policy. And, of course, we saw real income fall sharply in the period 1929 to 1933 despite growth in real federal government spending. My third point is that if using the same method to calculate an expenditure multiplier for 1983-1984 as Barro has done for 1943-1944 we get an expenditure multiplier of nearly 24! The fact is that in an era in which the genius of free enterprise was being freed from the shackles of government regulation (the Reagan years) federal government spending adjusted for inflation increased at a rate that was 3.5 times faster than it had grown during the Eisenhower to Carter adminstrations (just as it has grown, rhetoric aside, at a rate 2.67 times faster 2000-2008 than it had 1952-1980 ). Finally what Barro argues in the very last paragraph of his piece is that in the face of what is going on now that the solution is to be found in cuts in marginal tax rates, eliminating the federal corporate income tax, and such. Entirely rational self-interested financiers, entrepreneurs, and consumers are playing the socially destructive game of waiting to see if things will improve. Whatever the merits of tax cuts in general might be what Barro recommends it akin to advising a poor farmer to pour fertilizer on dry and relatively barren soil. What is so foolhardy in suggesting that he break new ground and with a bit of manure, fertilizer, and irrigation added to this mix see what the land capable of ? Once moved to a better position to take advantage of opportunities, he is again on his own.

NPR's Adam Davidson strikes again

The following is a copy of a letter I am sending to NPR re Adam Davidson, NPR’s "expert" on Keynes. In a breezy conversation two weeks ago today with Morning Edition’s host Renee Montagne, reporter Adam Davidson managed to convey to listeners the notion that President Obama has founded his solution to our current economy crisis on the largely discredited theories of a long dead anti-semitic nutty snob of an Englishman who hated Americans, the French, and the working class: John Maynard Keynes. Google “Keynes: gay brit elitist hater of USA Jews working class” and it will lead you to a posting to the Planet Money Blog by Mr. Davidson dated January 14, 2009 (http://www.npr.org/blogs/money/2009/01/some_problems_with_keynes.html To not put too fine a point on things, taking over twice the listener’s time and with two more weeks to do his homework Mr. Davidson again failed miserably to improve on this grossly inaccurate characterization of someone who the late Milton Friedman –certainly not to be considered by any stretch of the imagination a Keynesian- referred to as a "brilliant scholar" and "one of the great economists of all time." (Milton Friedman, "Keynes's Political Legacy," in John Burton, ed., Keynes's General Theory: Fifty Years On (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1986), pp. 47-48, 52)) After Mr. Davidson’s piece ran on Morning Edition I wrote to question the accuracy of much of what Mr. Davidson claimed. I also noted that the sort of follow up that I think represents what we mean by the term “in-depth reporting” (and that NPR prides itself on) was woefully absent in the questions Ms. Montagne’s put to Davidson. I wouldn’t continue to bother with this but it is estimated that there are 20 million people who tune in to NPR each week and, as I mentioned above, I fear what we are to take from Mr. Davidson’s is that President Obama is grasping at straws and potentially leading us to Lord knows where. Anti-semitism: I would encourage Mr. Davidson to have a look at volume two of Skidelsky’s biography of Keynes. Pages 238-239 and 486-489. To focus on Keynes’s anti-semitism is akin to running a piece on Lincoln’s influence on Mr. Obama noting that Lincoln was a racist (Which he was. After several generations of helping build this country, Lincoln nonetheless supported the idea of “repatriating” African Americans once freed from slavery. He wrote to Horace Greely that if he could restore union without emancipating slaves he would gladly do so. And in Sept 1858, in his fourth debate with Douglas, Lincoln said that “there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality”) Americaphobe and anti-French snob: Perhaps Mr. Davidson would like to consider Keynes’s views on Americans and the French and how they were shaped by his experiences after World War I (see for example Skidelsky, pp 122-123) On the matter of Keynes’s hatred of the working class, I am at a complete loss to see where Mr. Davidson draws the conclusion that Keynes hated them. His mentor Alfred Marshall wrote eloquently of the inequities in English society as being one of the key factors that drew him to economics. And what led Keynes to the General Theory was a flat refusal to accept what was implicit in classical economics of his day and in conservative economics of our own; the notion that widespread unemployment was the fault of recalcitrant workers unwilling to face facts and adjust their pay downwards. Beyond this I would again invite Mr. Davidson to consult Skidelsky (volume 2 p. 526) or, better still, read Keynes’s “Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren” Keynes’s theories discredited long ago: Since at the very least 1959, with the publication of Debreu’s Theory of Value it has been clear that Smith’s invisible hand is only as swift as we might like it to be if there are complete markets. While the main text is well beyond most mere mortals (economists and noneconomists alike) I would suggest that Mr. Davidson read carefully the first few pages of the introductory chapter to Magill and Quinzii’s Theory of Incomplete Markets (2002) and what they have to say about Keynes. One can easily rally a number of articles and books written in the last generation in which the classical resurgence of the 1970s and 1980s has been called into question. The vast majority of them focus on incompletely-formed or missing markets and the weaker efficiency of market economies when compared to the ideal case . In this growing literature many recognize the parallels of their new models to Keynes’s insights (as is the case in Magill and Quinzii) And the policy implications of this work are clear; between completely free markets and complete control we find reality where ignorance and uncertainty are a fact of life and in which the potential need for government intervention is there. To not risk giving Mr. Davidson too much to absorb I again recommend he have a look at Skildelsky volume two and the quote given on page 409 from one of Keynes’s students, A.F.W. Plumptre ( who studied with Keynes at Cambridge in 1920s.) Plumptre notes that in studying with Keynes it was clear that Keynes’s desire was to protect freedom and prevent communism by introducing government intervention in a timely manner on a sufficiently large enough scale. A much better story for NPR to focus on concerns the price we are paying for too little being done too late. We are constantly being asked to choose between two polar extremes that are of the economic equivalents of completely negligent parenting (laissez faire) and overly strict meddling parenting (socialism). In essence, what Keynes argued for was for political leadership (under the guidance of academics it is true, who else?) to seek out, as best as humanly possible, a point along the continuum between these two extremes in order to protect freedom and fortunes of individuals. As he noted on more than one occasion in any downturn those least able to bear the burden of adjustment are the ones who are expected to do the heavy lifting. (This is another important story that NPR is largely missing in its coverage of the current recession.) Just as good parenting requires intelligence, the exercise of good judgement, and a clear sense of duty to one’s children, good governance requires all these things. The fact that our leaders can fail, as so many of us often do as parents, does not excuse us from trying or give us the right to criticize any one so arrogant as to point out how difficult and important the task is.

Mr. Keynes

I find much to criticize in Adam Davidson’s conversation this morning with Renee Montagne (“Keynes' Economic Theories Back In Vogue”, Morning Edition , January 16, 2009). “Just Plain Nuts”: First it very difficult to find any support for the statement Mr. Davidson made that "Most of what Keynes wrote was just plain nuts" or that there is a consensus to this effect. It is in fact quite easy to find statements such as the following written by the late Milton Friedman some 20 years ago. Certainly not commonly thought of as an admirer of Keynes, Friedman referred to Keynes as a "brilliant scholar" and "one of the great economists of all time." He described The General Theory as a "great book," saying at the same time that he considered Keynes’s Tract on Monetary Reform as his best work. Friedman in this same piece further states that "I believe that Keynes's theory is the right kind of theory in its simplicity, its concentration on a few key magnitudes, its potential fruitfulness." (Milton Friedman, "Keynes's Political Legacy," in John Burton, ed., Keynes's General Theory: Fifty Years On (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1986), pp. 47-48, 52). “He wasn't worried about contradicting himself” As far as Keynes’s inconsistency, I would simply note that as an economist very well-schooled in orthodox economics, Keynes struggled to fit the rough-edged square shaped pegs of the real world into the smoothly carved round holes of orthodoxy. One can look at the evolution of Keynes's monetary theory (dating all the way back to a review article of American economist Irving Fisher's The Purchasing Power of Money in 1911) in this light with his two volume Treatise on Money (1930) , the General Theory(1936) and his article summarizing the General Theory that was published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics the following year (1937) as representing the culmination of those efforts. Over the course of this intellectual struggle his views of the proper role of government policy and his faith in the essentially self-adjusting nature of market economies changed radically. When because of this Keynes was accused of being inconsistent , of being the “rubberman” Keynes is famously quoted as having said that “When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?” (when taken to task for having changed his position on monetary policy, as quoted in Lost Prophets: An Insider's History of the Modern Economists (1994) by Alfred L. Malabre, p. 220). “A prolific writer who owned a magazine and published his own books” Keynes’s books were not self-published as the statement “..and he published his own books’ would seem to imply nor did he own the Economic Journal although he served as its editor for years. Keynes as a snob, anti-semite, and so on: Unfortunately, among upper class Englishmen of Keynes’s day being a snob, anti-semitic or not particularly fond of the French would not I should imagine be uncommon. For example, do we have any evidence that Keynes was any guiltier of this than Churchill or the Queen Mum? Also I find the accusation hard to reconcile with what one finds pp. 485-488 on Robert Skidelsky’s John Maynard Keynes:The Economist as Savior, 1920-1937. Keynes’s homosexuality: Perhaps I am being unfair to Mr. Davidson but I think the lowest point of this four minute conversation with Renee Montaigne came when he discussed Keynes’s sexual orientation. Are we to conclude from this that not only what Keynes wrote was “just plain nuts” but so was he? Is a person’s sexual orientation an indicator of this? Bloomsbury was an island of tolerance and I do not know whether or not there is any evidence that Keynes, outside this wide circle of friends and acquaintances, openly flaunted his interest in persons of the same sex. Anyone interested in this matter should consult volume one of Skidelsky’s biography of Keynes. Also perhaps given his long and close relationship to wife, the Russian ballerina, Lydia Lopokova it might be more accurate to describe Keynes’s sexual orientation as bisexual rather than homesexual. What’s important to keep in mind: At root, what Keynes saw as the key failing of the orthodox economics of his day (and with the orthodoxy of our own day, they are one and the same) was the assumption that in response to any change introduced to the system (say, for example, a sharp drop in confidence) market economies would quickly tend to absorb the impact of these changes rather than amplify them. Before Keynes’s time, markets were thought capable of creating compensatory changes in some variables as disturbing changes take place in other parts of the system. For example, in response to the disturbing change of rising unemployment (caused perhaps by lower spending created by financial panic) the orthodox idea was that wages and prices would fall enough to compensate for lower demand. If markets were working properly no intervention was needed. However, as Keynes argued if the drop in spending (created by things such as a drop in the confidence of financial investors) created further drops in spending, rather than markets absorbing the impact of the disturbing changes they would amplify them. Badly bruised by the fall it would be unreasonable to expect any one entrepreneur or financial investor or group of same to be willing to get up without help. Most would, quite rationally be waiting for others to make the first move. The positive role government could play in breaking this deadlock is what Keynes identified. He also was clearly made the obvious point it is best not fall in the first place. Over the last several months of this crisis, I have repeatedly heard reporters on NPR draw attention the important role that restoration in confidence plays in our recovering from the mess we have collectively fallen into. What is missing in these discussions is Keynes’s insight that the dilemma we face in a market economy is that while we can all see that this is the solution to our difficulties is to be found in the restoration of confidence we are unable, acting in our self-interest, to do anything about it. For example, what sort of measurable effect has Warren Buffet’s efforts to swim against the tide made? Cooperative/collective action is needed; in short, government intervention. For a thoughtful and extended discussion of Keynes's relevance today see Tom Ashbrook's interview with Lord Robert Skidelsky December 18th 2008 On Point

Financial disasters

Within the field of geography there is an area of specialization referred to as disaster management. The basic concepts of disaster management involve: (1) prevention and mitigation, (2) preparedness and response and (3) recovery. The first involves preventing or at least minimizing the chances of a disaster, the second –recognizing that many disasters cannot be prevented- involves making sure that an area is ready with a set of plans in place to respond as effectively as possible while the third involves a careful consideration of the steps needed to help a region pick up the pieces and return to normal as quickly as possible. The current financial crisis can certainly be referred to as a disaster. In what follows I argue that what we have been doing over the last several years has been the financial equivalent of allowing and even encouraging the extensive building of huge but poorly constructed structures on a major fault, a major floodplain or a very cyclone prone area. One cannot reasonably expect experts to be able to predict with any precision just when the next major earthquake, flood or cyclone will occur in an area prone to such calamities but to actively encourage settlement in such places or to fail to have plans in place to deal with disaster when it, inevitably, occurs is extremely poor disaster management. How financiers are like poor Bangladeshi farmers: Driven by poverty and overpopulation poor Bangladeshi farmers settle in islands of rich fertile alluvial soil that form islands of farmland in the Sunderbans of Bangladesh. If they are spared from cyclones and flooding, it is possible to eke out a better living on these islands (or chars as they are called) than they could manage elsewhere. Of course, flooding and cyclones do occur but the choice made is taking one’s chances and making ends meet rather than starving . So farmers settle on chars hoping and praying that they are spared from disaster. Sometimes prayers are answered more often they are not. The Bangladeshi government can do little to control this settlement and, given its limited resources, can offer little in the way of alternatives to those who settle there. The U.S. financial sector -driven not by poverty and overpopulation but by an increasingly crowded and hence competitive environment- has settled in the financial equivalent of disaster prone areas of financial services such as the packaging and sale of mortgage backed securities and credit default swaps. In fact, through deregulation our government has encouraged settlement in these disaster zones. Disaster has struck with a clear recognition that it was simply a matter of time and we have, until this week, had no plan in place in terms of how to respond or how to recover from the inevitable. “Financial statesmanship”: On August 6th of this year an organization of major players in the financial services industry (a group called the counterparty risk management group project, CRMGP) issued their third report. This report was expressly directed to Secretary Paulson (as the report issued by the same group three years ago had been) and to Mario Daghi, governor of the Bank of Italy and chair of the Financial Stability Forum. To their credit, the CRMGP clearly has recognized that the root cause of our current difficulties is a lack of what they call “financial statesmanship”. They define financial statesmanship as requiring that management of individual firms look at the broader and longer run perspective of what ultimately would be better for the financial sector the world economy overall, and themselves rather than their own firms’ short run (real or imagined) profits and cash flow. Beyond this frank admission of short-sightedness what is amazing is that they clearly point to the dilemma that an individual firms faces if chooses to rise above the fray. As they put it “ …in a highly competitive marketplace it is very difficult for one or a few institutions to hold the line on best practices or to stand on the sidelines in the face of booming markets.” Although the CRMGP does not identify the dilemma as such, what individual financial firms face is a classic prisoners’ dilemma. Just as the guy who confesses first is potentially better off to the swift goes the race in financial markets. To move cautiously when you are not at all sure that others will be so wise means that the sort of returns earned may be far below one’s competitors’. Just as the prisoners’ dilemma provides support to the old adage that there is no honor among thieves what the CRMGP is drawing our attention to in their report is that, for good reasons, financial statesmanship is an exceedingly rare commodity. What I hasten to add is that, with the right expertise, you shuffle the deck and put most of us in the position of top management in the financial services industry and we would behave no differently. This dilemma is a problem inherent in financial markets. But what has happened here is that the ultimately self-defeating and potentially dangerous game has shifted from the risky trading of financial paper to first mergers and acquisitions and initial public offerings (which in hindsight seem tame in comparison) to the disaster prone territories of mortgage backed securities, credit default swaps, and such. It is natural enough to expect the quest for higher returns to have encouraged this movement but the level of competition and the ability to take on far greater risks have both grown largely thanks to less stringent regulation. Regulation has become far more relaxed: Among many recent changes to our regulatory environment in 2003 the current administration asserted the superior power of the federal government, through the SEC and other federal agencies, to regulate the financial sector, over the states. This is in keeping with the Bush administration’s later position that federal carbon emissions standards were binding and that states such as California could not set their own more stringent standards. With looser controls predatory lending became the order of the day as mortgage credit was given to many borrowers with little thought given to the credit history or actual earnings of the borrowers, the market value of the properties to be purchased with these mortgages or concern that the borrowers were aware of what risks were involved once the low or zero interest-principal only period of their mortgages expired, they had to “reset” and, for some reason, they could not refinance. Originators left it to the third parties buying mortgages to sort all of this out Those buying these mortgages pooled them with the hopes that the pooling would make risks of default insurable. Perhaps not coincidentally issuance of MBSs over the course of 2003 grew by some 48% over what it had been in 2002 (according to the Bond Market Association). As of 2006 the same organization estimates that the market value of MBSs outstanding stood at some $6.1 trillion (in comparison to about $8.5 trillion worth of U.S. Treasury debt held in government accounts and by the public in the same year). The magic of financial engineering: Take a MBS based on a collection of subprime mortgages. As an investment banker you buy 10 subprime mortgages to package together in a security. Because of a higher default risk, the individual subprime mortgages let's say yield 7% when prime mortgages only pay 5%. First by assuming that although the chances of default on any one subprime mortgage may be relatively high (say a one in ten chance) if the likelihood of any one borrower defaulting is independent of the others in the pool (which is an extremely naïve assumption for any one with even an elementary understanding of macroeconomics) the likelihood of default goes from a 1/10 chance if you held each mortgage individually to an infinitesimally small chance when you pool ten together. This pooling of risk is how insurance works. By pooling two such mortgages together you cut the odds of complete default not getting any of the money risked from a 10% chance to only 1 out of 100. Double the pool again to four and the odds of complete default falls to one in 10,000. The flip side of this is that the odds of at least half of the money at risk being paid back as you go from 1 subprime mortgage on its own ten mortgages collected in a pool goes from 90% to 99.98%. Of course, in an actual insurance policy the odds are capable of more or less exact estimation whereas the likelihood of default is not. Ignoring this simple fact, money is to be made by buying these mortgages up at discounted prices that reflect individual default risks and by pooling them, theoretically reducing the default risk in the way I have just described. Essentially a 2% profit in interest income on 10 mortgages is divided between the seller and the buyers of mortgage backed securities with the notion that the default risk has virtually disappeared and those involved are earning 2% more than previously the market would have paid for a “risk free” investment. Tranches, what makes MBSs toxic, credit default swaps, and counterparty risk: The idea behind tranches is that not all who might wish to invest in MBS share the same level of confidence. If more cautious one may invest in an upper tranche. If one is less cautious, in exchange for helping the issuing company shoulder part of the default risk, lower tranche investors receive a greater share of the total overall gain. The tradeoff is that in the event that a significant number of borrowers in the underlying pool of mortgages go into default those in the upper tranches have a prior claim on cash flow and are paid first. If all goes well then you get a bigger share of the total gain for simply being less risk averse. However, when there is not enough money flowing in because of higher than expected defaults those in the lower tranches lose out. When there is not enough coming in to pay those in the upper tranches out what otherwise would be paid to the lower ones, MBSs become toxic. (For a wonderful description of tranches, toxicity, and such click here, here or here) At least subconsciously, investors realized the tremendous risks inherent in all of this. To address this, credit default swaps were created. They offer to the buyer a form of insurance. However, unlike real insurance , CDSs are completely unregulated and, unlike real insurance, based on incalculable odds. You are concerned that the company issuing the MBSs you hold will not be able to pay back your initial investment. Let’s say that for 1 basis point on the $10 million of your money that is at risk in MBSs (i.e. for $100,000) I agree to cover the loss if the company issuing your MBS, based on this package of pooled subprime mortgages, goes into default. You rest easier, I have pocketed $100,000 and given GAAP (generally accepted accounting principles) having “insured” your investment you no longer have to mark to market the value of the MBSs you hold (even if they are falling in value). I may not have the $10 million to make good on my promise and so may in turn take out a credit default swap on this same MBS for ½ a basis point (i.e. $50,000) with another party. As a result, I have netted $50,000 profit but no longer have to worry about the fact that I don’t have the $10 million promised. If all goes well, all goes well. However, if defaults begin to increase or if the credit ratings of individual institutions along the chain are downgraded, clouds on the horizon gather and the chances of your losing everything grows. You begin to worry that at the same time the company issuing the MBS that you sold the CDS to me to cover the CDS you bought will not be honored because the seller of that credit default swap has gone into default as well. Driven into this fertile but dangerous area by increased competition and, at the very least, not discouraged from settling here by those in power you now realize that perhaps should have settled some place safer. There is no evacuation plan and no clear idea of how long the storms will last, if you will survive and, if you are lucky enough to pull through what the recovery effort will be. There is plenty of blame to go around. The more fundamental question is what lessons we will draw from what has just happened. Some links on the candidates' positions on the crisis: Senator Obama Senator McCain 1 Senator McCain 2 Senator McCain 3

Leadship, parenting, and differing views on economic policy

You have a friend. He is a parent. He obviously loves his kids. It is equally clear that he firmly believes his children can do no wrong. It looks to you as though serious problems are soon to arise. You say nothing because you know that your friend will not listen to anyone who might suggest that his children could have problems. Time passes and some of his kids have gotten into very serious trouble. Your friend minimizes the problems that are popping up. It is only when they have reached a crisis stage that he steps in. You must face the fact that your friend is a bad parent.

Your country has leaders who love their country. Listening to them it is clear that they firmly believe that businesses can do no wrong. It looks to you and others as though serious problems are soon to arise. You know that your leaders will not listen to anyone who might suggest that businesses (that are, after all, managed by rational intelligent people whose fortunes and reputations are at stake) could have problems. Time passes and some businesses have gotten into very serious trouble. You and others see your leaders minimizing these problems. It is only when they have reached a crisis stage that they step in. You must face the fact that your leaders are inept.

My point is that bad governance is much like bad parenting and good governance is much like good parenting. As a thoughtful parent you assume that your children will behave. At the same time you nonetheless carefully monitor their behavior and stand ready to step in sooner rather than later when difficulties arise. Business people are fond of saying that all that they want from government is to be left alone, much like many teenagers might wish their parents did not treat them like they were still children. But just like the supposedly adult teenager runs to Mom and Dad once they have run out of money or are stranded along the road because they forgot, yet again, to buy gas; businesses rush to government for help when crises emerge.

It isn't wrong that a parent helps in times of crisis. What is wrong is a parent refusing to recognize that the problems they must deal with would not be nearly as great and that both they and their kids would be happier and better off if they had simply kept a closer eye on what was going on. What is wrong is the refusal to recognize that one's children do need to be watched and do need to be disciplined. It isn't government stepping in to help in times of crisis that is the problem. It is the refusal of those in power to recognize that the problems they must deal with would not be nearly as great and that we would all be happier and better off if they had simply kept a closer eye on what was going on that is the problem. It is the refusal to recognize that business, especially financial concerns, need to be watched and need to be disciplined that it the problem. Unfortunately, the business community is populated by mature and intelligent people who collectively act like children. Bizarre and ill-conceived ideas like bond insurance (credit default swaps) or making relatively riskier investments in an increasingly competitve environment with wholely inadequate reserves have a way as sounding as sensible as tearing down the highway at 100 mph in your Mom's car or racking $200 in text messages on your cell phone does to all too many teenagers.

Following, among others, the late Arizona Senator, Barry Goldwater, conservatives are fond of saying the government that governs least is the one that governs best (although religious conservative tellingly leave out the second part of what Senator McCain's mentor quickly added to this: " and stays out of the imposible task of legislating morality")* what would you think of someone who told you that they firmly felt that the parent who parents least is the parent who parents best? The odds are quite high that the only intelligent thoughtful human being who would say such a thing would be a teenager. As an economist, I can explain in detail how, under the right circumstances, free and unfettered markets can yield better results than those produced by well meaning but inept government intervention. What is too often overlooked is just how idealized the right circumstances are. Especially relevant in the financial sphere is the need for the uncertainty we face to be only uncertain in the sense of rolling a six or getting heads. The great sin economists have committed is therefore a sin of omisson. We have failed to draw attention to that fact that in practice the uncertainty we face is of a mch more profound nature. By not emphasizing this, and the potential it creates for episodes like this past week, we become family counselors describing how children can theoretically grow and prosper without parents doing much more than paying the bills and keeping the car filled with gas. The kids (i.e. businesses) love us and everyone else, justifiably thinks we're awfully far off base.

Children need parental regulation just like markets need regulation. Government is a necessary evil but least does not mean zero. Nor does it necessarily mean, and this is a key thing to remember, that the oversight required is small. Just as in families there are parents who are too actively involved in their children's affairs, who are too ready to step in the second that problems arise or who are too domineering or just plain foolish there are examples of government intervention, regulation, and management of economic affairs that exhibit such traits too. Like good parenting, good governance is difficult. But simply because there is such a tremendous potential to fail does not in the slightest give us an excuse not to try.

When Sentor Obama this week pointed to the current crisis as providing the final verdict on the validity of the economic philosophy that has driven the economic policy (the philosophy that business can do no wrong and that the fundamentals are to be assumed sound until it is apparent to almost everyone else that they are not) of the current administration for the last eight years he was right. And when Sentor Obama says that Senator McCain is obviously not to blame in any meaningful way for the current crisis ( in humbler times, Senator McCain has freely noted that economic and financial policy is not his forte) he is of course correct. Most importantly, when Senator Obama notes that what is the root of our current difficulties is the economic philosophy that Senator McCain (at least until November 4th) claims to subscribe to, he was right as well.

On Thursday , Senator McCain has made a statement that was quite revealing. While viewing the damage left by flooding this summer in Cedar Rapids, Iowa he remarked that this is where he sees government playing a role, to step in, in the wake of disaster, to help people pick up the pieces. Viewing this as the sole role of government, to step in after disasters have occured begs the question about what government might do to minimize the likelihood of disasters in the first place. In the case of this summer's floods in Iowa, one might counter that floods are an act of God. However the significant loss of wetlands; to farming, to business development, and to new home construction over the years has led to a significant increase in the frequency and the severity of flooding in the midwest (see Postel, 2008). Just as the neglect of the more difficult to monitor and seemingly antibusiness prevention of the loss of wetlands might help control the severity and therefore the cost of floods when they do occur "needless government meddling" in financial markets (perhaps some time after Warren Buffet in 2002/2003 told us all that derivatives were financial WMDs and it was apparent that no one was really listening) might have helped control the severity and therefore the cost of this week's financial crisis.

*Government that governs least is a somewhat loose paraphrase of Thomas Paine's "Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state, an intolerable one."

Bailout of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae

What does the move by Treasury secretary Paulson and OFHEO director Lockhart this weekend to put both Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae under conservatorship mean? What conservatorship means is that the federal government has agreed to absorb up to $100 billion in potential future losses of the two institutions. There are all sorts of ways that one could try to put this in some perspective: at one extreme you could characterize the decision as Paulson and Lockhart as tantamount to their promising that every man, woman, and child in America pay as much as $333 apiece for the excesses of Freddie and Fannie management (and that much of this could have been avoided if Congress, President Bush, officials in the Treasury, or at the FED had done something earlier to rein in these two institutions before they got to the point they are now.) At the opposite extreme you could argue that for less than what the typical American family spends in a month on cable services and cell phones we have, at the very least, bought some time for badly stressed financial markets and, at best, taken action that will help us move forward out of the liquidity crunch that world financial markets face. The fact of the matter is that we have been part of a massive run up in housing values that has been fueled by and which in turn has helped perpetuate a massive expansion in the volume of mortgage credit granted to the US population as a whole. With 20-20 hindsight it is easy to say that we should have known better. However I am not confident that we will ever learn. We should be thankful that the much ballyhooed fall in housing prices only really bites those of us unfortunate enough to have purchased homes since the end of 2005. Not to minimize in the slightest the plight of those who entered the housing market at precisely the wrong time, the decline in housing prices only began nationally in the Spring of 2007. For those of us who purchased homes at at any time prior to this the market value of our homes is still higher now than when we purchased them and for those of us who bought in the early to mid 1990s or earlier, just following national trends, the market value of our homes remain ridiculously inflated (on average over two times higher in value now than in the early to mid 1990s) SHOULD WE HAVE KNOWN BETTER? In today’s New York Times (NYT “Countdown to Inevitability”) former secretary of the Treasury under President Clinton, Lawrence Summers, is quoted as saying that he had expressed grave concerns about the explosive growth in Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae’s mortgage loan portfolio and the increased investment in subprime and other risky mortgages. The current administration is far less inclined to worry about decisions being taken when those decisions are being scrutinized by the market and so can perhaps be excused for being so slow to react. The point is that we are at present in a position where vis-à-vis the bailout there is really no other choice open to us. The more fundamental question is indeed how to avoid such crises in the future or more fundamental still, whether, we have the ability to avoid them. In form or another the principles of increasing risk first explicitly outlined in a paper published by Michal Kalecki over seventy year ago (M. Kalecki, “The Principles of Increasing Risk” Economica, November 1937), further developed by Hyman Minsky, and as of late, again the focus of our attention thanks to Nouriel Roubini suggests that part of the price we pay for a sophisticated financial system are these sorts of problems. At the same time, it would be foolhardy in the extreme to celebrate such episodes and to do nothing to prevent them from happening in the first place. At Freddie and Fannie we have seen mortgages or mortgage backed securities owned or guaranteed by the two grow by over a factor of 6 since 1990 and more than doubling since 2000 with an increasing share of these being subprime and Alt-A mortgages. The fine line between making credit as easily available as possible and being over-leveraged is what at root needs to be drawn, despite the fact that it is indeed a fine line. We should look to the specific statements made by both nominees regarding this issue of leverage and try to gauge how well either understands the inability of the market to discipline the financial sector seriously enough ex ante and gently enough ex post. For a bit more background on these two institutions click here.

more thoughts on social enterprises

There are four things that at root explain the persistent poverty that social enterprises seek to address: (1) loss aversion (2) credit constraints (3) what I refer to as contigent profitability and (4) high transactions costs. Poverty is both the cause and a consquences of each one of these. Consider first loss aversion. However much a gain in earnings might mean to a poor family, the fact of the matter is that if potential losses are substantial this family, because of its poverty, cannot afford to gamble. Loss aversion means that even if such a family were able to experiment (or even if the family concerned were otherwise quite comfortable with the notion of gambling) they would still sit back and wait, “leaving well enough alone”. Of course, the poverty of poor families also sharply limits their ability to act. By definition, one’s own resources are limited if one is poor and credit is not easily had as the fears of the poor are compounded by creditor's lack of faith in their ability to honor obligations. Contigent profitability is simply a term I have created that is meant to capture the fact that the expected payoffs of any undertaking are often dependent on a number of significant factors outside the invididual family’s control. For example, the less faith poor families have in job opportunities appearing after investing in education or the less confident they might be that a reliable supply of inputs would be available to continue to operate one's own business the less beneficial activity will take place. Even if the poor had no real reason to be particularly loss averse and even if credit were readily available on reasonable terms this would be true. Paul Polak in his book Out of Poverty discusses his organization IDE's (International Development Enterprises) first project. This project involved helping refugee blacksmiths in Somalia build and sell donkey carts to other Somali refugees. Absent Polak’s realizing that tires would frequently be in need of repair and his efforts to bring tire patch kits and lug wrenches (inexpensive lower quality ones) all the way from Nairobi back to Somalia , the initial efforts of blacksmiths would have been far less successful. (Polak, p. 65) In essence the complementary investment and activity of others, as it limits the size of potential losses and raises the potential payoff of any investment, tips the scales in favor of action rather than inaction. There is finally a myriad of things that together combine to create the fourth factor contributing to persistent poverty: high transaction costs. To begin with, individual transactions the poor carry out are small . This means that if, for some reason, a given trade is unsatisfactory there is a high chance that the costs to an injured party of making a legal case against the offender will often far outweigh the benefits. Also the very contingent nature of economic activity just discussed and the large number of individuals involved means that not only is the enforcment of contracts costly but so too would be writing-up such contracts . Add to all of this low levels of education and poor infrastructure and it should be easy to understand that high trasanction costs serve as barriers to the identification as well as the pursuit of opportunities. In essence social entrepreneurs are involved in trying to break the vicious circle that the preceding four factors create. This of course begs the question as to how social entrepreneurs addressing such questions differ from other non-profits or government agencies devoted to attacking the same problems. Some see the key difference as being due to better organization and the sharper focus on results that social entrepreneurs have. Some equate social entrepreneurship with being for-benefit organizations that are completely self-sufficient. What is curious about the field of social entrepreneurship is how wide the range of definitions in use is. This then means that what might pass muster as a social enterprise to some may not at all qualify if an alternative definition were to be employed. What one might consider social enterprise is to another a nonprofit or what is labelled by one person a for-profit with a charitable bent becomes in the eyes of another a social entrepreneur. An attempt at a definition: The word entrepreneur comes from the French entrependre meaning to undertake (as in to undertake a challenging task). A social entrepreneur then is an individual willing and able to undertake challenges (either the challenge of pursuing advantages of opportunities as they appear or warding off threats such as finding and continuing to attract resources and funding) with her principal goal being not her own gain but rather the benefits her efforts generate for others. In turn, broadly what seems to distinguish social enterprises from other non-profits are two things: While many other non-profits are focused on helping others they rely heavily on charitable donations and grants and operate in a very nonbusiness-like manner social enterprises are run more professionally and to some degree have the ability to generate earnings that defray operating expenses, help pay suppliers and help attract and retain qualified staff. Discussing an obviously important part of the social enterprise movement, microfinance institutions (MFIs), Jonathan Murdoch notes that while a substantial proportion of MFIs are self-sufficient in this sense (what he refers to as operationally sustainable) far fewer are financially sustainable. While operationally sustainable MFIs generate enough to revenues to cover their operating expenses they fail to generate enough revenue to act entirely independently. It is only the much rarer financially sustainable MFIs that could survive if they had to "...obtain all inputs (especially capital) at market, rather than concessional, rates (Murdoch, 1999, p. 1588) While the goal of financial sustainability is laudible as Wei-Skillern et al point out while in commerical capital markets "...the key motivation for all players involved is most often to build a profitable company and to earn an attractive return on investment" the motivation is varied in the case of those funding social enterprises (Wei-Skillern et al, p. 13) They go on to note social enterprises "...rarely, if ever, atain breakeven without some form of donor support" (p. 13) It is enough to be business-like in managing operations and to be, if possible, concerned with operational sustainablity. It is often nothing short of impossible to pay staff competitive salaries and benefits and at the same time pay investors an adequate return on their investment and remain at the same time true to the social enterprise's orginal mission.

Nonetheless, Boschee and McClurg define social enterprises and social entrepreneurship in terms of self-sufficiency. As they put it self-sufficiency "...can be achieved only by relying completely on earned income, and is the ultimate goal of the most ambitious social entrepreneurs" (Boschee and McClurg, 2003, p. 3, emphasis added) As Murdoch suggests however by such a definition it is well nigh impossible to find real world examples of social enterprises. It sets a standard that few social enterprises will ever be able to attain.

On its website the Social Enterprise Alliance notes that in 2002 commercial revenue ("service fees, registratrions, dues and subscriptions, and other program fees, as well as income from special events and sales of products") has risen from 48.1% of nonprofit revenue overall in 1982 to 57.6% in 2002. These figures are not adjusted for inflation where inflation eats away over half of the seemingly impressive 219% growth in nonprofit revenues. And when adjusted for inflation the figures represent at most decent growth in earned income. This growth has taken place alongside relatively weak growth in the total earnings of nonprofits. While the U.S. economy grew at an average annual rate of 3.36% in real terms between 1982 and 2002 the total revenue of nonprofits grew only 2.75% a year in real terms while earned income (if commercial revenue and earned income are synonmous which is not entirely clear from the SEA's website) grew at an average annual rate of 3.68%. In short, as overall funding for nonprofits lagged behind the general growth of the U.S. economy a few additional scraps were thrown in the direction of nonprofits in general to make up for the significantly lower growth in government support for nonprofits (1.72% a year in real terms or put another way a little over half the growth in real incomes overall between 1982 and 2002).

A key catalyst to growth of social enterprises and the increased focus on earned income has therefore been the fact that tighter government budgets have forced many social organizations to become far more self-sufficient than they might otherwise be. It also reflects the sad fact is that more than being a desirable goal for social enterprises the complete self-sufficiency that McClurg and Boschee call for reflects the outsourcing of public service to private sector. Part of the rise of social enterprise is then borne of necessity converting some non-profits into social enterprises simply because of a lack of funding.

All the while the mountain of poverty grows in absolute terms. The many social enterprises that have sprung up are to be admired and applauded for their accomplishments. However what many of these enterprises have been able to accomplish is tantomount to moving small sections of earth from this ever growing mountain of poverty. Looked at from the ground level those who have given so much of their time and effort are justifiably proud. This in no way however means that such undertakings represent a key solution to the dilemma of world poverty. As Jonathan Murdoch in his work on MFIs has suggested in fact the more operationally sustainable MFIs -taken here as a subspecies of social enterprises- have succeeded by addressing not the needs of the poorest of the poor but small merchants and shop keepers who are relatively speaking better off. It is indeed striking to see the Mexican MFI Compartamos frankly admit this and to draw the connection between its move from nonprofit to profit status as in no small degree due to this and that it's mission does not nor can it include addressing the needs of the poorest of Mexico's poor (see the following).

There are, of course, social enterprises that as Alan Folwer notes he would prefer to refer to as integrated complementary organizations. In these the business generates a suplus that then is not plowed back into the original venture nor turned over to shareholders but rather it directed toward a social program of some sort. Staff is hired, funding is raised through bank loans and bonds, advertising is carried out and after all the bills are paid the net revenue goes toward supporting some social program or perhaps a variety of social programs. BRAC through a variety of enterprises such as its retail outlet Aarong provides employment opportunities to the poor, an outlet for their products, and provides revenue that helps fund BRAC's other activities. Newman's Own "shameless exploitation in pursuit of the common good" would be another example of a business that operates at least in a sense at a financially sustainable level and uses the profits earned for social programs rather than to provide a return to shareholders. To their credit the fact that this presents practical difficulties in equity markets is something the Grameen Foundation recognizes.

A brief history of the U.S. housing market

No time to comment much on this but didn't want to lose track of this link. What is incredible and needs to be kept in mind is that between the late 1990s and May 2006 there was a marked run up in housing prices. This report by Robert Krulwich makes that fact abundantly clear.

Going Green

The numbers are truly staggering. The world's population has increased over sixfold in the last two hundred years and will grow at least half again as much in the next few decades. By 2050 population is to reach a peak at 9-10 billion. To not only keep real per capita income at its present level but to lift as many of the billions of the world's poor out of poverty, the world economy must continue to for quite some time. Unfortunately, on average each percentage point increase in the rate of growth in gross world product leads to an increase in CO2 emissions of .4%. (For information on how substantial the differences are from country to country, click here.) The two key sources of CO2 emissions are the burning of fossil fuels and deforestation and both are related to population growth and development(For more on the deforestation of tropical forests in places such as Brazil and Indonesia. click here.) The historically unprecedented growth in real income and population is founded first and foremost on the use of natural resources. With the industrial revolution we swapped tools made principally of wood and leather and powered by human and animal muscle for machines. The premodern economy was an organic one limited in its potential by what little of the flow of the sun's energy we could capture each year. Our modern industrialized world is an inorganic one where we draw from the age-old stock of solar energy found in oil, coal, and natural gas. While great strides have been made in limiting the growth in the use of nonrenewable resources since the 1970s, the fact is that the world economy still runs on fossil fuels. Some 80% of power we use comes from fossil fuels, principally oil, coal, and natural gas. Already having exploited the highest quality and most easily accessible ores and fuels implies that, all else equal, we face a future of increasing costs. Part of the current run up of oil prices reflects the impact of increasing demand in the wake of growth and development. Added to this continued growth in population and production means increasing amounts of waste that must either be stored or recycled. One can see that the benefits to "going green" (shifting away from nonrenewables and other forms of pollution control as soon as we can) are great while the potential costs of inaction are to say the least considerable. All of us seek to capture the benefits that, through our activities, we are legitimately entitled to. All of us try to avoid bearing any more of the costs of actions than we are legitimately expected to bear. We are not wrong for doing this. Looking at life as a pyramid, I should hope that we would all agree that at the very base of that pyramid are our family and friends. To give away benefits that rightfully belong to us or to voluntarily bear costs we aren't expected to means giving away what is ours to someone or something far more distant from us, far less connected to us in space and time and denying these things to those within our own circle. The problem we face when thinking about environmental issues begins with the guilt we feel once we have admitted this. Add to this the fact that each one of us is such a small part of the overall picture. Often when we do things that will help the environment we know what we're giving up at the same time we realize that there is little or no guarantee that the additional costs we have taken on or the benefits we have turned over to some one else will really make a difference. This helps to explain why when left to individual initiative not enough tends to get done. When it comes to the environment, we often face a classic coordination game situation in which doing what is best for ourselves and society at large is only really worth our while if we can count on a sufficient number of other people moving forward to do the same thing. It is wasted effort to blame government, what's going on elsewhere in the world and, perhaps, most importantly, feeling too guilty. It is far better to focus on what can be done now because something must be done. The good news in that contrary to the old adage she who hesitates is lost there are increasing numbers of nonprofits, for-profit companies, and individuals, both in private and public life who have broadened the base of their pyramid and coordinated their actions to include people and things far more distant than them in space and time. And the more movement in the right direction that takes place, the easier it is for others to follow, especially once a critical level of forward movement has been reached. Compact fluorescent lights or CFLs are an example of this. While CFLs lights not all that long ago were relatively expensive they are now well within the range of incandescent bulbs. While true they are still more expensive than incandescents they are no longer outlandishly so. And in the long-run they are far cheaper to operate. They last longer and are more energy efficient, using fewer watts of power to generate the same amount of light. (a, b) The drop in price in the U.S. market is arguably in no small part due to actions taken by government in other countries and in anticipation of similar actions soon taking place elsewhere. By stimulating the demand for CFLs two things have happened. One, to the degree scale economies are important, by increasing demand it has become possible for major players to ramp production to a level at which overhead can be covered with a much lower premium charged per bulb. Secondly, more current demand (and more demand still expected in the future) has increased the amount of space available for the number of companies needed to serve this market. Regardless it is evident that the last couple of years we seem to have reached (or are at least close to reaching) the critical level needed to sustain change. Incandescant bulbs have been banned (the Philippines, Australia, Ireland, and Italy), CFLs have been given away for free by the government (Venezuela and Cuba) or made available to the public at a subsidized price (Brazil). (c) With 17% of residential electric consumption in this country for lighting, with say 52 light sockets in the average home at present using incandescent bulbs, and with an average savings of about 45 kwH per bulb installed the potential impact of a switch to CFLs is considerable (d). The savings of 2340 kwH per home is equivalent to a little under 3 months of power consumption for the average home. (e, f). Much like CFLS, government bans or taxes on plastic bags in many key markets (country-wide in Ireland, the U.K., Bangladesh, Taiwan, and Australia and in cities like San Franciso or Mumbai ) have led businesses, one should imagine in anticipation of similar taxes and bans, to introduce reusable plastic bags and encouraged the growth in their production. (For more on this click here or here) Change in other areas such as in heating and transportation is far more problematic Often this is because change requires much higher initial costs or, if financed in some way, much higher fixed costs. To "go green" is in many case a decision to become less liquid or more highly leveraged. Consider first the case of hybrid cars. To many it is surprising to note that that outside the triangle that extends from Boston down to Washington D.C. and from there westward up to Chicago one finds some two-thirds of America's population. This means that fuel efficient cars are an absolute necessity because whatever the benefits of mass transit outside this area, people are by and large too scattered and too sparsely settled for mass transit to be feasible. That something vis-a-vis cars needs to be done soon is borne out by the fact that some one third of CO2 emissions in the U.S. is emitted from cars.

However, hybrid cars are still costly. Even with gas averaging $3.28 a gallon nationally and 3 year new car loan rates at 7.11% given current differentials in terms of price and mpg, a hybrid Honda Civic is just barely less costly to buy and run than a Honda Civic sedan. And a decided disadvantage is that while given superior mileage the operating costs associated with a hybrid are far less than a regular car, the initial outlays and the monthly car payments one is commited to are far higher. To buy a greener car means that one must be willing to become less liquid (i.e. pay a higher amount out of pocket rather than finance the purchase, bring monthly payments down. This means having less cash on hand) or become more highly leveraged (commit to higher fixed expenses in the form of monthly car payments). Given current rates and the price differential on a hybrid versus a regular Honda Civic sedan this commitment boils down to agreeing to spend 50% more a month for the hybrid than the buyer of a regular but reasonably fuel efficient car is committed to pay. Government agencies or non-profits -with the public interest in mind- have shown themselves willing and able to sacrifice liquidity and increase their financial leverage in a way that private families and for-profit businesses understandably have not. (For example the city of Rock Island, Illinois has just purchased a fleet of twenty-one Honda Civic hybrids. Click here for more details.) Being greener in the case of hybrids means being drier (less liquid) or more precariously positioned (more highly leveraged)

Because of the absolute costs , it is unlikely we shall anything like what has happened with CFLs, that might tip the scales decidedly in favor of hybrids, any time soon. In short, we will not see a ban on regular gas powered cars or say subsidies to reduce individuals' initial outlays on hybrids. For example, consider the cost of government subsidizing the purchase of hybrids. In 2004 over 7 million passenger vehicles were sold in the U.S. Assume that government tried to encourage everyone buying new cars to buy hybrids by covering the gap between the price of a hybrid and its less energy efficient counterpart. Further assume that the average subsidy would have to be $7,590 (the current gap between a Honda Civic hybrid and a regular sedan). If all accepted the offer the cost would be a total of $53 billion. Here what we face is a classic example of what is referred to as a lock-in effect (and what Environment Illlinois recently referred to as "a chicken and egg problem".) Until demand is high enough and therefore the production of hybrids has increased to a point that scale economies can be realized and market share increased in order to close the gap between hybrids and gas-powered cars, we are trapped in a situation in which the purchase of a hybrid will require both a sense of commitment to the environment and the financial resources necessary. No matter how little gas a hybrid uses, as long as the initial outlay is greater than a fuel powered car, concern over loss of liquidity or leverage can be expected to remain obstacles to a significant shift. (There is also a question of how much can be gained by simply driving better maintained gas-powered cars more slowly.) There is another problem that arises with hybrids and other big ticket items. New ideas are constantly coming up. The X prize competition slated for next year is paying $10 million to the first team that develops a working model of a car that gets at least 100 mpg and can be brought into production at a competitive price. Motor Development International, a French company has developed vehicles that run on compressed air that takes only a matter of minutes to re-fuel. There is a three-wheeled hybrid that while it only seats two passengers, the Aptera, gets 330 miles to the gallon. Logically one must ask which alternative will ultimately win out and will there be significant disadvantages to having committed to one alternative too soon? For example, a firm that buys a fleet of vans from Motor Development International may find that in ten years time there are few if any technicians who can service an air car because hydrogen fuel cell or solar powered cars have come to dominate the market. The value to all of us as individuals of waiting means that movement in any one direction is of necessity far slower.* (While Steven DeCanio in his 1998 paper, "The efficiency paradox: bureacratic and organizational barriers to profitable energy-saving investments" Energy Policy, April 1998, argues that often organizational inertia rather than economic considerations impede the adoption of greener technologies, he also finds statistical results that indicate that the later firms entered the EPA's Green Light Program the less time that was required to recoup initial costs, i.e. the shorter the payback period. He admits that this was possibly due to "...continuing technological progress over time, or to declining costs of the equipment as the market for it has grown" , p. 451. This is consistent with the argument put forward by van Soest and Bulte that with the variety of alternatives available, the direction of technological change so unpredicatable, and the commitment that investment in any one particular technology entails, there is a real value to waiting. See van Soest and Bolte, "Does the Energy-Efficiency Paradox Exist? Technological Progress and Uncertainty" Environmental and Resource Economics, 2001. This is remiscent of the Christine Romer's irreversibility hypothesis. ) The same problems associated with cars applies to power and heating technologies as well. Wessel and Jones in their book _Prosperity_ write beautifully about how important the introduction of electricity was in the development of the world economy. Here in the U.S. a large share of our electricity comes from coal-fired plants and some 40% of our CO2 emissions comes from generating electrical power because nationwide a large share of the power generated is from coal-fired plants. According to Environment Illinois's recent report "The Power of Efficiency" only 31% of the demand for electricity in the midwest is residential demand. Commercial businesses and industry therefore account for the rest of the overall demand for electrical power in the midwest (as well as over half of the demand for natural gas). This leads to the question of alternative power sources such as wind and solar. Unfortunately we are a long way off from either solar or wind being a viable alternative to typical large scale power plants. (i). High quality wind sites generate about 30 to 40 percent of their rated capability on average (this is because of wind speed variations) h and given the considerable scale economies involved in wind power(evident in h above) the feasibility of installing and using our own wind turbines to generate much power seems foolish. Solar panels in this regard hold out far more promise. However, solar panels face the same obstable that more fuel efficient cars face. However much cheaper they are to use once installed, the upfront costs of solar power, like fuel efficient cars. are considerable. An added problem is the use of silicon to make PV cells and the capacity of the system to supply the solar industry with a sufficient quantity and quality of silicon if there is a substantial increase in demand. Citizenre is attempting to significantly reduce the initial outlay required of consumers. However there are serious questions about what might happen to the solar power industry in the U.S. if Citizenre fails and serious questions about their ability to fulfill the promises that are being made.g Regardless, solar plants on average generate even less production than wind-farms do, usually less than 25 percent of their rated capacity. This is due to generators not producing electricity during the nighttime or during cloudy days. Finally, it is indeed sobering to consider the fact that currently all the solar panels with a connection to the power grid provide no more power than one medium coal-fired plant. And again the range of alternative new technologies increases the value of waiting. For example, great strides in micro combined heat and power systems (micro CHPs), the residential equivalent of CHPs used in commercial and industrial buildings represent yet another alternative to coal-fired plants and to central power stations. Although CHPs run on natural gas 90% of the heat and power generated is used versus 30-40% for power transmitted from a central power station. Here too however, unless subsidies are added at present the initial costs of installing such a system is far greater than that of installing a new high-efficiency hot-air furnace (according to one source $6,000 more even after gas company rebates). Michael Porter and Claas van der Linde in their paper "Toward a New Coneption of the Environment-Competitiveness Relationship" (Journal of Economic Perspectives, Fall 1995) argue that rather than environmental regulation always hurting businesses' profit there are instances, many they would argue, where regulation has raised businesses' profits and increased their competitiveness. Although they do not quite develop their argument along these lines they nevertheless hint that one one the principal advantages created by regulation is that it closes off some of the "numerous avenues for technological improvement" which therefore no longer vie for executives "limited attention" (p. 99). The relatively new branch of economic theory called behavioral economics draws our attention to the marked tendency we have to prefer the status quo, especially when the alternative choices that confront us are so numerous that they are overwhelming. If there is truly any merit to Porter and van der Linde's argument it is perhaps due to nothing more than simply our preference for the known (i.e. the status quo) and our subsequent fear or discomfort with the unknown together with our realization that individual efforts will only matter if done on a large enough scale, by a sufficiently large number of businesses and individuals. Whether it takes the form of government regulation or it is self-imposed, pressures to change, actions to limit choices, and measures to guarantee enough broad effort to make the individual cost and discomfort worthwhile are all required. As the International Labor Organization argues given the simultaneous goals of reducing global poverty and control damage to the environment, the impact of greener technologies on employment has to be considered. The good news is that there is no real conflict between jobs and green technologies. At the same, the research suggests that the direct impact of "going green" is slight. (see the ILO's "Green jobs: Facing up to an "inconvenient truth") For example, an increase in recycling creates an increased demand for labor (to drive recycling trucks and sort through recylables) however it will reduce the amount of garbage that ends up in landfills and therefore reduces the need for labor there. Or as the ILO report notes, increased use of mass-transit creates more jobs for bus drivers but reduces the demand for gas station attendants and auto mechanics). Perhaps the most promising area is in construction. It is noted in the ILO report that one of the most significant areas for reducing CO2 emissions (possibly as much as 20-30% in both industrialized and developing economies) is in increasing the energy efficiency of buildings, mostly in the form of increased insulation. Germany's Alliance for Work and the Environment is given as an example. As described in the ILO report, the Alliance is a joint iniative of government, builders, environmental groups, and trade unions that with a $1.8 billion initial investment has improved the insulation of 265,000 apartments, created 190,000 jobs and, via reduced unemployment, reduced heating bills, and the increased tax revenues from higher incomes and such has generated benefits of some $4 billion. Based on the success of the initial $1.8 billion, the German government has committed itself to spending $8 billion more between 2006-2009. Although I am not aware of any direct way of measuring this, it is remarkable how much more attention the environment has received, especially in the last year or two. There is really no other issue that is of more importance than that of the environment. Through economic and population growth we have come to a point where we now are pushing uncomfortably close to the constraints imposed by the planet. Let us hope that we have shifted our focus in this direction at a point in time where it is possible for us to change course.

Thoughts on social entrepreneurship

At the end of this month, the University of Baltimore will be holding a day long symposium 'Love and Money' in which participants consider the growing power and influence of social entrepreneurship. Referring to social entrepreneurship as the fourth sector (the other three being for-profits, not- for-profits, and government) the announcement for this symposium describes social entrepreneurs as : "leveraging the potential to realize lasting change on a worldwide scale, addressing millennia-old issues like hunger, poverty and social inequality in ways never before seen in history. Their "for benefit" model—prompted by a social purpose, self-sustaining, and creating and distributing products and services that improve quality of life, add jobs and stimulate the economy—calls for market generated profits that are then turned back to be invested to advance a social mission. These entrepreneurs are determined to put all of their energies into resolving entrenched social issues while reducing dependence on traditional grant and gift funding methods". What I would like to consider in what follows is the question of how profitable "for benefit" entrepreneurship can be as well as the question of how effective the untold number of small organizations (working more or less independently ) can be in protecting the environment, reducing poverty, and promoting the general welfare . Furthermore -assuming that the popular press is correct and that social entrepreneurship is is growing- a third question is what are the forces that are at play in promoting this growth. Finally, returning to the question of effectiveness, the issue of how much of what social entrepreneurs are trying to accomplish ideally should be done by the state? In a democracy is it not true that the state's main goal to promote the public's interest? Is it not equally true that , by virtue of its size, the state has far more power to organize resources on a large scale to promote general welfare than individual businesses ever will? Does the rise of social entrepreneurship reflect acceptance of the fact that real world governments are unwieldy and often unable or unwilling to address pressing social issues effectively?

How profitable can for-benefit companies be? It is a matter of basic microeconomic theory that any organization that on the one hand seeks to earn profits but on the other is focused on not only its own profits but is also concerned with the impact of its actions on other people and the planet will tend to either earn less profit than it would otherwise enjoy or it has to pay its staff less than they could make elsewhere. Why? Concerned with a "triple bottom line" such a company is trying to internalize benefits that it will not be compensated for or is trying to internalize costs that it would not otherwise have to bear. It can be shown that either way profits earned will be less than what they would be if the company were instead concerned only with its own profits.

In a market in which funding will only flow to such a company if it pays a competitive rate of return this means that it will have to rely on its staff willingly taking a cut in pay or relying on volunteers to help. Barring this the fact is that investors in a social enterprise will have to be willing to accept less return with greater risk than they would have to elsewhere. In reality of course what we increasingly see is a combination of all three of these things, also included in this mix are grants and subsidized credit that brings the average cost of capital down while appearing to pay private investors a favorable return. By bringing together dedicated staff ,volunteers, and investors social enterprises can reduce their dependence on grants, gifts, and subsidized credit from chariable organizations and governments but in reality dedication and commitment are both necessary ingredients in the process.

For example consider the following scenario. Management realizes that the more labor it employs and the higher its scale of operations the better it will be for other businesses in its area. This could be because of the knowledge that spillovers from its workers to employees of other companies operating in the area. This could be because this company supplies an input that will then be regularly supplied in the local market. The point is that with a view toward the social benefits of its actions this firm will push its level of operations well beyond the level it would if only concerned with short-run maximization of its own profits. Arguably, the long-run profitability of this firm may be increased if the productivity of labor employed by other firms is increased significantly but the fact remains that this social enterprise's short-term profits will suffer.

Assuming that it would have only earned normal profits as a for-profit then by producing more than the profit maximizing level of output it generates negative economic profits. In an accounting sense the books may more than balance, the firm may appear to be profitable but this is only because either stakeholders or staff are willing to accept a lower return (in exchange for knowing that what they have done is of benefit to others) or because grants, subsidized credit, gifts, or volunteers are able to make-up the difference between the accounting profits realized and the economic profits required of a for-profit enterprise.

The Grameen Bank is an example of such an organization. Working with a dedicated staff that could be earning far more elsewhere 22% of every dollar lent comes from donations or the Central Bank of Bangladesh. This is not to be viewed as a failing of the Grameen Bank but rather simple comfirmation of the fact that it is impossible for a firm to either consider costs that it would not otherwise have to bear or consider benefits in making its decisions that it will not receive any direct or immediate compensation for without seeing its short-run profits fall*.

*In the late 1990s Richard Sandor helped to establish the Chicago Climate Exchange (the CCX) in which CO2 emission rights are traded on the private market. The CCX also manages the much more important ECX (the European Climate Exchange). Although enormously profitable at this point the CCX was formed in the late 1990s with the help of a $1.1 million grant from the Joyce Foundation. Sandor is also the father of the interest rate futures market. A question naturally arises as to how much grant money had to be provided to form interest rate futures trading in the 1970s compared to the $1.1 million used to organize the CCX.

The catalysts to growth in social enterprises.

Imagine a Venn diagram with three circles drawn on it. The first is labeled need, the second staffing, and the third, financing. Given growing population and the push worldwide toward industrialization the need circle is growing ever larger each year. The growth in population corresponds to a rising number of people living in absolute poverty while rising population and industrialization together mean growing pressure on the environment. Growth in accumulated wealth, in the stock of human capital, and in the supply of labor mean that the staffing and funding circles are growing as well. This growth in all three circles means that inevitably the degree of overlap should grow over time but there is also at play a shifting of the staffing and funding circles toward the much larger and faster growing need circle as attitudes change and more people become aware of the extent and severity of problems the world's poor and, via the environment, future generations face.

There was serious flooding toward the end of summer of 2007 in Bangladesh, India and Nepal. Former President Bill Clinton appeared on the Oprah Winfrey show early last fall to promote his book Giving and featured the microfinance institution Kiva. In response to the crisis in South Asia one could easily go online and donate money to aid flood victims in South Asia. After hearing of Kiva on the Oprah Winfrey show anyone interested in becoming a lender to someone in any number of developing countries could do so with only a bit of time, a bit of money, an internet connection, and a valid credit card. Computer technology has made it easier to not only learn of problems around the world but also to act on such problems. One hears of the Skoll Foundation on social enterpreneurship, One World Health, Living Goods, Better World Books, Vikram Akula's microfinance organization SKS and within minutes finds the home pages for these organizations, praise and criticism, and discussion of related organization. There is no question that a large part of the growth in activity, refered to above the shifting of staffing and funding circles toward the needs circle as all three grow ever larger, is in part due to the ease with which information can be obtained and action taken. In particular, the flow of funding that as Wei-Skillern et al in their book Entrepreneurship in the Social Sector characterize as highly fragmented (p. 13) has become far less so thanks to the internet.

Arguably another factor in addition to the ease of funding is that both in terms of funding and staffing there are a growing number of upper-middle class and wealthy people whose knowledge of the world is quite a bit broader than their parents and grandparents. They also increasingly are searching for some meaning in their own lives, are conscious at some level of their good fortune and wish to share it rather than hoard it. The growth of modern cities allowed a shift from the street-alley segregation (where although separate the wealthy and the poor lived in proximity to each other) that Stuart M Blumen refers to in his book the Emergence of the Middle Class to areal segregation (where the middle class and wealthier segments of society could and do live largely separate lives). In a very interesting way perhaps modern media has created a virtual world where it is far more difficult to grow up shielded and largely unaware of the problems of others and the environment and has helped move us back toward a time where it was harder to ignore the plight and misfortune of others.

The need for social enterprises.

As laudible as social enterprises are it is an important question whether or not these needs couldn't be far better served by government. Herman Daly has long advocated that government set the stage for the private sector by insuring, prior to market activity, that what he refers to as intragenerational equity and intergenerational equity are taken into account. In a world in which historical accident is relevant (such as England's endowments of coal, iron ore, and water transport in the age of coal and steam or our own endowments in the U.S. of coal, iron-ore, oil, and water transport in the age of steel) and in which the scale of activity has risen so much relative to its resource base (as in populous areas throughout the premodern period or the industrialized world now) attention must be paid not only to efficiency but to justice as well. The faster a society pushes use of renewable resources beyond their sustainable limits and the faster it depletes its stock of nonrenewable resources the more future generations are liable to suffer and the less equitable the allocation of natural resources will be over time. The more economies allocate resources of all sorts to the satisfaction of the relatively trivial needs of economically better off consumers and businesses rather than the abolutely basic needs of the poor the less equitable the allocation of resources will be at the present time. Social entrepreneurs, by definition, seek to promote a more equitable allocation of effort both now and in the future or in short, doing what Daly has long advocated sovereign governments should be doing. The question therefore arises whether or not social enterprises are not only growing because it has become easier to become informed of where needs are and to organize the resources needed to affect change but also because of an increasing awareness of how far short of the mark governments have been in taking the initiative and following through. Indeed Kaushik Basu in his Prelude to Political Economy identifies clearly how easily recommendations given to politicians by experts can be expected to be completely ignored (see chapter 7 of Basu's Prelude pp. 169-173).

Because of their ability to act without having to navigate choppy political waters, to act without having to divine the preferences of politicians, to act without having to try to persuade them of the value of a given program, or to act without having to enlist the support of others to persuade policy makers, social enterprises are far better at initiating change than governments can be. Ironically they are inherently inferior to government in being able to sustain a certain level of activity or to achieve a sufficiently high enough scale. No small part of the limited ability to sustain effort over time is because it is difficult for social enterprises to capture the benefits generated by programs they've initiated as easily as governments can. For example, one might envision a social enterprise in which schooling is provided to elementary age students along with a stipend to cover the loss of income the family suffers as their children attend school rather than work. If this important work was carried out on a wide enough scale by the state the stock of human capital might grow. In turn, the level of output per worker would grow, and given current capital labor ratios, the expanded real per capita income would generate increased tax revenues and therefore be a self-liquidating investment. In contrast it is hard to imagine a patch work of social enterprises working independently that could offer similar opportunities on a wide enough scale to make much of a dent in the problem in a short enough period of time. It is equally hard to imagine their capturing the benefits that accrue only with a lag to other businesses in terms of more easily trained, more flexible, and therefore more productive workers. In short, there are places where social enterpreneurs will be able to step in but many others where benefits are either delayed or shared by the community at large in which they will not be able to step in as easily.

The other major drawback to social entrepreneurship is that it is difficult for social enterprises to achieve the sort of scale needed to really bring about change. Primarily this is due to the continual need to find staff and those willing to provide financial support who will readily take on added risk or responsibility for lower returns in the numbers required to keep up with the growing needs of the world economy for help.