Sunday, March 16, 2008

Going Green

The numbers are truly staggering. The world's population has increased over sixfold in the last two hundred years and will grow at least half again as much in the next few decades. By 2050 population is to reach a peak at 9-10 billion. To not only keep real per capita income at its present level but to lift as many of the billions of the world's poor out of poverty, the world economy must continue to for quite some time. Unfortunately, on average each percentage point increase in the rate of growth in gross world product leads to an increase in CO2 emissions of .4%. (For information on how substantial the differences are from country to country, click here.) The two key sources of CO2 emissions are the burning of fossil fuels and deforestation and both are related to population growth and development(For more on the deforestation of tropical forests in places such as Brazil and Indonesia. click here.) The historically unprecedented growth in real income and population is founded first and foremost on the use of natural resources. With the industrial revolution we swapped tools made principally of wood and leather and powered by human and animal muscle for machines. The premodern economy was an organic one limited in its potential by what little of the flow of the sun's energy we could capture each year. Our modern industrialized world is an inorganic one where we draw from the age-old stock of solar energy found in oil, coal, and natural gas. While great strides have been made in limiting the growth in the use of nonrenewable resources since the 1970s, the fact is that the world economy still runs on fossil fuels. Some 80% of power we use comes from fossil fuels, principally oil, coal, and natural gas. Already having exploited the highest quality and most easily accessible ores and fuels implies that, all else equal, we face a future of increasing costs. Part of the current run up of oil prices reflects the impact of increasing demand in the wake of growth and development. Added to this continued growth in population and production means increasing amounts of waste that must either be stored or recycled. One can see that the benefits to "going green" (shifting away from nonrenewables and other forms of pollution control as soon as we can) are great while the potential costs of inaction are to say the least considerable. All of us seek to capture the benefits that, through our activities, we are legitimately entitled to. All of us try to avoid bearing any more of the costs of actions than we are legitimately expected to bear. We are not wrong for doing this. Looking at life as a pyramid, I should hope that we would all agree that at the very base of that pyramid are our family and friends. To give away benefits that rightfully belong to us or to voluntarily bear costs we aren't expected to means giving away what is ours to someone or something far more distant from us, far less connected to us in space and time and denying these things to those within our own circle. The problem we face when thinking about environmental issues begins with the guilt we feel once we have admitted this. Add to this the fact that each one of us is such a small part of the overall picture. Often when we do things that will help the environment we know what we're giving up at the same time we realize that there is little or no guarantee that the additional costs we have taken on or the benefits we have turned over to some one else will really make a difference. This helps to explain why when left to individual initiative not enough tends to get done. When it comes to the environment, we often face a classic coordination game situation in which doing what is best for ourselves and society at large is only really worth our while if we can count on a sufficient number of other people moving forward to do the same thing. It is wasted effort to blame government, what's going on elsewhere in the world and, perhaps, most importantly, feeling too guilty. It is far better to focus on what can be done now because something must be done. The good news in that contrary to the old adage she who hesitates is lost there are increasing numbers of nonprofits, for-profit companies, and individuals, both in private and public life who have broadened the base of their pyramid and coordinated their actions to include people and things far more distant than them in space and time. And the more movement in the right direction that takes place, the easier it is for others to follow, especially once a critical level of forward movement has been reached. Compact fluorescent lights or CFLs are an example of this. While CFLs lights not all that long ago were relatively expensive they are now well within the range of incandescent bulbs. While true they are still more expensive than incandescents they are no longer outlandishly so. And in the long-run they are far cheaper to operate. They last longer and are more energy efficient, using fewer watts of power to generate the same amount of light. (a, b) The drop in price in the U.S. market is arguably in no small part due to actions taken by government in other countries and in anticipation of similar actions soon taking place elsewhere. By stimulating the demand for CFLs two things have happened. One, to the degree scale economies are important, by increasing demand it has become possible for major players to ramp production to a level at which overhead can be covered with a much lower premium charged per bulb. Secondly, more current demand (and more demand still expected in the future) has increased the amount of space available for the number of companies needed to serve this market. Regardless it is evident that the last couple of years we seem to have reached (or are at least close to reaching) the critical level needed to sustain change. Incandescant bulbs have been banned (the Philippines, Australia, Ireland, and Italy), CFLs have been given away for free by the government (Venezuela and Cuba) or made available to the public at a subsidized price (Brazil). (c) With 17% of residential electric consumption in this country for lighting, with say 52 light sockets in the average home at present using incandescent bulbs, and with an average savings of about 45 kwH per bulb installed the potential impact of a switch to CFLs is considerable (d). The savings of 2340 kwH per home is equivalent to a little under 3 months of power consumption for the average home. (e, f). Much like CFLS, government bans or taxes on plastic bags in many key markets (country-wide in Ireland, the U.K., Bangladesh, Taiwan, and Australia and in cities like San Franciso or Mumbai ) have led businesses, one should imagine in anticipation of similar taxes and bans, to introduce reusable plastic bags and encouraged the growth in their production. (For more on this click here or here) Change in other areas such as in heating and transportation is far more problematic Often this is because change requires much higher initial costs or, if financed in some way, much higher fixed costs. To "go green" is in many case a decision to become less liquid or more highly leveraged. Consider first the case of hybrid cars. To many it is surprising to note that that outside the triangle that extends from Boston down to Washington D.C. and from there westward up to Chicago one finds some two-thirds of America's population. This means that fuel efficient cars are an absolute necessity because whatever the benefits of mass transit outside this area, people are by and large too scattered and too sparsely settled for mass transit to be feasible. That something vis-a-vis cars needs to be done soon is borne out by the fact that some one third of CO2 emissions in the U.S. is emitted from cars.

However, hybrid cars are still costly. Even with gas averaging $3.28 a gallon nationally and 3 year new car loan rates at 7.11% given current differentials in terms of price and mpg, a hybrid Honda Civic is just barely less costly to buy and run than a Honda Civic sedan. And a decided disadvantage is that while given superior mileage the operating costs associated with a hybrid are far less than a regular car, the initial outlays and the monthly car payments one is commited to are far higher. To buy a greener car means that one must be willing to become less liquid (i.e. pay a higher amount out of pocket rather than finance the purchase, bring monthly payments down. This means having less cash on hand) or become more highly leveraged (commit to higher fixed expenses in the form of monthly car payments). Given current rates and the price differential on a hybrid versus a regular Honda Civic sedan this commitment boils down to agreeing to spend 50% more a month for the hybrid than the buyer of a regular but reasonably fuel efficient car is committed to pay. Government agencies or non-profits -with the public interest in mind- have shown themselves willing and able to sacrifice liquidity and increase their financial leverage in a way that private families and for-profit businesses understandably have not. (For example the city of Rock Island, Illinois has just purchased a fleet of twenty-one Honda Civic hybrids. Click here for more details.) Being greener in the case of hybrids means being drier (less liquid) or more precariously positioned (more highly leveraged)

Because of the absolute costs , it is unlikely we shall anything like what has happened with CFLs, that might tip the scales decidedly in favor of hybrids, any time soon. In short, we will not see a ban on regular gas powered cars or say subsidies to reduce individuals' initial outlays on hybrids. For example, consider the cost of government subsidizing the purchase of hybrids. In 2004 over 7 million passenger vehicles were sold in the U.S. Assume that government tried to encourage everyone buying new cars to buy hybrids by covering the gap between the price of a hybrid and its less energy efficient counterpart. Further assume that the average subsidy would have to be $7,590 (the current gap between a Honda Civic hybrid and a regular sedan). If all accepted the offer the cost would be a total of $53 billion. Here what we face is a classic example of what is referred to as a lock-in effect (and what Environment Illlinois recently referred to as "a chicken and egg problem".) Until demand is high enough and therefore the production of hybrids has increased to a point that scale economies can be realized and market share increased in order to close the gap between hybrids and gas-powered cars, we are trapped in a situation in which the purchase of a hybrid will require both a sense of commitment to the environment and the financial resources necessary. No matter how little gas a hybrid uses, as long as the initial outlay is greater than a fuel powered car, concern over loss of liquidity or leverage can be expected to remain obstacles to a significant shift. (There is also a question of how much can be gained by simply driving better maintained gas-powered cars more slowly.) There is another problem that arises with hybrids and other big ticket items. New ideas are constantly coming up. The X prize competition slated for next year is paying $10 million to the first team that develops a working model of a car that gets at least 100 mpg and can be brought into production at a competitive price. Motor Development International, a French company has developed vehicles that run on compressed air that takes only a matter of minutes to re-fuel. There is a three-wheeled hybrid that while it only seats two passengers, the Aptera, gets 330 miles to the gallon. Logically one must ask which alternative will ultimately win out and will there be significant disadvantages to having committed to one alternative too soon? For example, a firm that buys a fleet of vans from Motor Development International may find that in ten years time there are few if any technicians who can service an air car because hydrogen fuel cell or solar powered cars have come to dominate the market. The value to all of us as individuals of waiting means that movement in any one direction is of necessity far slower.* (While Steven DeCanio in his 1998 paper, "The efficiency paradox: bureacratic and organizational barriers to profitable energy-saving investments" Energy Policy, April 1998, argues that often organizational inertia rather than economic considerations impede the adoption of greener technologies, he also finds statistical results that indicate that the later firms entered the EPA's Green Light Program the less time that was required to recoup initial costs, i.e. the shorter the payback period. He admits that this was possibly due to "...continuing technological progress over time, or to declining costs of the equipment as the market for it has grown" , p. 451. This is consistent with the argument put forward by van Soest and Bulte that with the variety of alternatives available, the direction of technological change so unpredicatable, and the commitment that investment in any one particular technology entails, there is a real value to waiting. See van Soest and Bolte, "Does the Energy-Efficiency Paradox Exist? Technological Progress and Uncertainty" Environmental and Resource Economics, 2001. This is remiscent of the Christine Romer's irreversibility hypothesis. ) The same problems associated with cars applies to power and heating technologies as well. Wessel and Jones in their book _Prosperity_ write beautifully about how important the introduction of electricity was in the development of the world economy. Here in the U.S. a large share of our electricity comes from coal-fired plants and some 40% of our CO2 emissions comes from generating electrical power because nationwide a large share of the power generated is from coal-fired plants. According to Environment Illinois's recent report "The Power of Efficiency" only 31% of the demand for electricity in the midwest is residential demand. Commercial businesses and industry therefore account for the rest of the overall demand for electrical power in the midwest (as well as over half of the demand for natural gas). This leads to the question of alternative power sources such as wind and solar. Unfortunately we are a long way off from either solar or wind being a viable alternative to typical large scale power plants. (i). High quality wind sites generate about 30 to 40 percent of their rated capability on average (this is because of wind speed variations) h and given the considerable scale economies involved in wind power(evident in h above) the feasibility of installing and using our own wind turbines to generate much power seems foolish. Solar panels in this regard hold out far more promise. However, solar panels face the same obstable that more fuel efficient cars face. However much cheaper they are to use once installed, the upfront costs of solar power, like fuel efficient cars. are considerable. An added problem is the use of silicon to make PV cells and the capacity of the system to supply the solar industry with a sufficient quantity and quality of silicon if there is a substantial increase in demand. Citizenre is attempting to significantly reduce the initial outlay required of consumers. However there are serious questions about what might happen to the solar power industry in the U.S. if Citizenre fails and serious questions about their ability to fulfill the promises that are being made.g Regardless, solar plants on average generate even less production than wind-farms do, usually less than 25 percent of their rated capacity. This is due to generators not producing electricity during the nighttime or during cloudy days. Finally, it is indeed sobering to consider the fact that currently all the solar panels with a connection to the power grid provide no more power than one medium coal-fired plant. And again the range of alternative new technologies increases the value of waiting. For example, great strides in micro combined heat and power systems (micro CHPs), the residential equivalent of CHPs used in commercial and industrial buildings represent yet another alternative to coal-fired plants and to central power stations. Although CHPs run on natural gas 90% of the heat and power generated is used versus 30-40% for power transmitted from a central power station. Here too however, unless subsidies are added at present the initial costs of installing such a system is far greater than that of installing a new high-efficiency hot-air furnace (according to one source $6,000 more even after gas company rebates). Michael Porter and Claas van der Linde in their paper "Toward a New Coneption of the Environment-Competitiveness Relationship" (Journal of Economic Perspectives, Fall 1995) argue that rather than environmental regulation always hurting businesses' profit there are instances, many they would argue, where regulation has raised businesses' profits and increased their competitiveness. Although they do not quite develop their argument along these lines they nevertheless hint that one one the principal advantages created by regulation is that it closes off some of the "numerous avenues for technological improvement" which therefore no longer vie for executives "limited attention" (p. 99). The relatively new branch of economic theory called behavioral economics draws our attention to the marked tendency we have to prefer the status quo, especially when the alternative choices that confront us are so numerous that they are overwhelming. If there is truly any merit to Porter and van der Linde's argument it is perhaps due to nothing more than simply our preference for the known (i.e. the status quo) and our subsequent fear or discomfort with the unknown together with our realization that individual efforts will only matter if done on a large enough scale, by a sufficiently large number of businesses and individuals. Whether it takes the form of government regulation or it is self-imposed, pressures to change, actions to limit choices, and measures to guarantee enough broad effort to make the individual cost and discomfort worthwhile are all required. As the International Labor Organization argues given the simultaneous goals of reducing global poverty and control damage to the environment, the impact of greener technologies on employment has to be considered. The good news is that there is no real conflict between jobs and green technologies. At the same, the research suggests that the direct impact of "going green" is slight. (see the ILO's "Green jobs: Facing up to an "inconvenient truth") For example, an increase in recycling creates an increased demand for labor (to drive recycling trucks and sort through recylables) however it will reduce the amount of garbage that ends up in landfills and therefore reduces the need for labor there. Or as the ILO report notes, increased use of mass-transit creates more jobs for bus drivers but reduces the demand for gas station attendants and auto mechanics). Perhaps the most promising area is in construction. It is noted in the ILO report that one of the most significant areas for reducing CO2 emissions (possibly as much as 20-30% in both industrialized and developing economies) is in increasing the energy efficiency of buildings, mostly in the form of increased insulation. Germany's Alliance for Work and the Environment is given as an example. As described in the ILO report, the Alliance is a joint iniative of government, builders, environmental groups, and trade unions that with a $1.8 billion initial investment has improved the insulation of 265,000 apartments, created 190,000 jobs and, via reduced unemployment, reduced heating bills, and the increased tax revenues from higher incomes and such has generated benefits of some $4 billion. Based on the success of the initial $1.8 billion, the German government has committed itself to spending $8 billion more between 2006-2009. Although I am not aware of any direct way of measuring this, it is remarkable how much more attention the environment has received, especially in the last year or two. There is really no other issue that is of more importance than that of the environment. Through economic and population growth we have come to a point where we now are pushing uncomfortably close to the constraints imposed by the planet. Let us hope that we have shifted our focus in this direction at a point in time where it is possible for us to change course.

Tuesday, March 04, 2008

Thoughts on social entrepreneurship

At the end of this month, the University of Baltimore will be holding a day long symposium 'Love and Money' in which participants consider the growing power and influence of social entrepreneurship. Referring to social entrepreneurship as the fourth sector (the other three being for-profits, not- for-profits, and government) the announcement for this symposium describes social entrepreneurs as : "leveraging the potential to realize lasting change on a worldwide scale, addressing millennia-old issues like hunger, poverty and social inequality in ways never before seen in history. Their "for benefit" model—prompted by a social purpose, self-sustaining, and creating and distributing products and services that improve quality of life, add jobs and stimulate the economy—calls for market generated profits that are then turned back to be invested to advance a social mission. These entrepreneurs are determined to put all of their energies into resolving entrenched social issues while reducing dependence on traditional grant and gift funding methods". What I would like to consider in what follows is the question of how profitable "for benefit" entrepreneurship can be as well as the question of how effective the untold number of small organizations (working more or less independently ) can be in protecting the environment, reducing poverty, and promoting the general welfare . Furthermore -assuming that the popular press is correct and that social entrepreneurship is is growing- a third question is what are the forces that are at play in promoting this growth. Finally, returning to the question of effectiveness, the issue of how much of what social entrepreneurs are trying to accomplish ideally should be done by the state? In a democracy is it not true that the state's main goal to promote the public's interest? Is it not equally true that , by virtue of its size, the state has far more power to organize resources on a large scale to promote general welfare than individual businesses ever will? Does the rise of social entrepreneurship reflect acceptance of the fact that real world governments are unwieldy and often unable or unwilling to address pressing social issues effectively?

How profitable can for-benefit companies be? It is a matter of basic microeconomic theory that any organization that on the one hand seeks to earn profits but on the other is focused on not only its own profits but is also concerned with the impact of its actions on other people and the planet will tend to either earn less profit than it would otherwise enjoy or it has to pay its staff less than they could make elsewhere. Why? Concerned with a "triple bottom line" such a company is trying to internalize benefits that it will not be compensated for or is trying to internalize costs that it would not otherwise have to bear. It can be shown that either way profits earned will be less than what they would be if the company were instead concerned only with its own profits.

In a market in which funding will only flow to such a company if it pays a competitive rate of return this means that it will have to rely on its staff willingly taking a cut in pay or relying on volunteers to help. Barring this the fact is that investors in a social enterprise will have to be willing to accept less return with greater risk than they would have to elsewhere. In reality of course what we increasingly see is a combination of all three of these things, also included in this mix are grants and subsidized credit that brings the average cost of capital down while appearing to pay private investors a favorable return. By bringing together dedicated staff ,volunteers, and investors social enterprises can reduce their dependence on grants, gifts, and subsidized credit from chariable organizations and governments but in reality dedication and commitment are both necessary ingredients in the process.

For example consider the following scenario. Management realizes that the more labor it employs and the higher its scale of operations the better it will be for other businesses in its area. This could be because of the knowledge that spillovers from its workers to employees of other companies operating in the area. This could be because this company supplies an input that will then be regularly supplied in the local market. The point is that with a view toward the social benefits of its actions this firm will push its level of operations well beyond the level it would if only concerned with short-run maximization of its own profits. Arguably, the long-run profitability of this firm may be increased if the productivity of labor employed by other firms is increased significantly but the fact remains that this social enterprise's short-term profits will suffer.

Assuming that it would have only earned normal profits as a for-profit then by producing more than the profit maximizing level of output it generates negative economic profits. In an accounting sense the books may more than balance, the firm may appear to be profitable but this is only because either stakeholders or staff are willing to accept a lower return (in exchange for knowing that what they have done is of benefit to others) or because grants, subsidized credit, gifts, or volunteers are able to make-up the difference between the accounting profits realized and the economic profits required of a for-profit enterprise.

The Grameen Bank is an example of such an organization. Working with a dedicated staff that could be earning far more elsewhere 22% of every dollar lent comes from donations or the Central Bank of Bangladesh. This is not to be viewed as a failing of the Grameen Bank but rather simple comfirmation of the fact that it is impossible for a firm to either consider costs that it would not otherwise have to bear or consider benefits in making its decisions that it will not receive any direct or immediate compensation for without seeing its short-run profits fall*.

*In the late 1990s Richard Sandor helped to establish the Chicago Climate Exchange (the CCX) in which CO2 emission rights are traded on the private market. The CCX also manages the much more important ECX (the European Climate Exchange). Although enormously profitable at this point the CCX was formed in the late 1990s with the help of a $1.1 million grant from the Joyce Foundation. Sandor is also the father of the interest rate futures market. A question naturally arises as to how much grant money had to be provided to form interest rate futures trading in the 1970s compared to the $1.1 million used to organize the CCX.

The catalysts to growth in social enterprises.

Imagine a Venn diagram with three circles drawn on it. The first is labeled need, the second staffing, and the third, financing. Given growing population and the push worldwide toward industrialization the need circle is growing ever larger each year. The growth in population corresponds to a rising number of people living in absolute poverty while rising population and industrialization together mean growing pressure on the environment. Growth in accumulated wealth, in the stock of human capital, and in the supply of labor mean that the staffing and funding circles are growing as well. This growth in all three circles means that inevitably the degree of overlap should grow over time but there is also at play a shifting of the staffing and funding circles toward the much larger and faster growing need circle as attitudes change and more people become aware of the extent and severity of problems the world's poor and, via the environment, future generations face.

There was serious flooding toward the end of summer of 2007 in Bangladesh, India and Nepal. Former President Bill Clinton appeared on the Oprah Winfrey show early last fall to promote his book Giving and featured the microfinance institution Kiva. In response to the crisis in South Asia one could easily go online and donate money to aid flood victims in South Asia. After hearing of Kiva on the Oprah Winfrey show anyone interested in becoming a lender to someone in any number of developing countries could do so with only a bit of time, a bit of money, an internet connection, and a valid credit card. Computer technology has made it easier to not only learn of problems around the world but also to act on such problems. One hears of the Skoll Foundation on social enterpreneurship, One World Health, Living Goods, Better World Books, Vikram Akula's microfinance organization SKS and within minutes finds the home pages for these organizations, praise and criticism, and discussion of related organization. There is no question that a large part of the growth in activity, refered to above the shifting of staffing and funding circles toward the needs circle as all three grow ever larger, is in part due to the ease with which information can be obtained and action taken. In particular, the flow of funding that as Wei-Skillern et al in their book Entrepreneurship in the Social Sector characterize as highly fragmented (p. 13) has become far less so thanks to the internet.

Arguably another factor in addition to the ease of funding is that both in terms of funding and staffing there are a growing number of upper-middle class and wealthy people whose knowledge of the world is quite a bit broader than their parents and grandparents. They also increasingly are searching for some meaning in their own lives, are conscious at some level of their good fortune and wish to share it rather than hoard it. The growth of modern cities allowed a shift from the street-alley segregation (where although separate the wealthy and the poor lived in proximity to each other) that Stuart M Blumen refers to in his book the Emergence of the Middle Class to areal segregation (where the middle class and wealthier segments of society could and do live largely separate lives). In a very interesting way perhaps modern media has created a virtual world where it is far more difficult to grow up shielded and largely unaware of the problems of others and the environment and has helped move us back toward a time where it was harder to ignore the plight and misfortune of others.

The need for social enterprises.

As laudible as social enterprises are it is an important question whether or not these needs couldn't be far better served by government. Herman Daly has long advocated that government set the stage for the private sector by insuring, prior to market activity, that what he refers to as intragenerational equity and intergenerational equity are taken into account. In a world in which historical accident is relevant (such as England's endowments of coal, iron ore, and water transport in the age of coal and steam or our own endowments in the U.S. of coal, iron-ore, oil, and water transport in the age of steel) and in which the scale of activity has risen so much relative to its resource base (as in populous areas throughout the premodern period or the industrialized world now) attention must be paid not only to efficiency but to justice as well. The faster a society pushes use of renewable resources beyond their sustainable limits and the faster it depletes its stock of nonrenewable resources the more future generations are liable to suffer and the less equitable the allocation of natural resources will be over time. The more economies allocate resources of all sorts to the satisfaction of the relatively trivial needs of economically better off consumers and businesses rather than the abolutely basic needs of the poor the less equitable the allocation of resources will be at the present time. Social entrepreneurs, by definition, seek to promote a more equitable allocation of effort both now and in the future or in short, doing what Daly has long advocated sovereign governments should be doing. The question therefore arises whether or not social enterprises are not only growing because it has become easier to become informed of where needs are and to organize the resources needed to affect change but also because of an increasing awareness of how far short of the mark governments have been in taking the initiative and following through. Indeed Kaushik Basu in his Prelude to Political Economy identifies clearly how easily recommendations given to politicians by experts can be expected to be completely ignored (see chapter 7 of Basu's Prelude pp. 169-173).

Because of their ability to act without having to navigate choppy political waters, to act without having to divine the preferences of politicians, to act without having to try to persuade them of the value of a given program, or to act without having to enlist the support of others to persuade policy makers, social enterprises are far better at initiating change than governments can be. Ironically they are inherently inferior to government in being able to sustain a certain level of activity or to achieve a sufficiently high enough scale. No small part of the limited ability to sustain effort over time is because it is difficult for social enterprises to capture the benefits generated by programs they've initiated as easily as governments can. For example, one might envision a social enterprise in which schooling is provided to elementary age students along with a stipend to cover the loss of income the family suffers as their children attend school rather than work. If this important work was carried out on a wide enough scale by the state the stock of human capital might grow. In turn, the level of output per worker would grow, and given current capital labor ratios, the expanded real per capita income would generate increased tax revenues and therefore be a self-liquidating investment. In contrast it is hard to imagine a patch work of social enterprises working independently that could offer similar opportunities on a wide enough scale to make much of a dent in the problem in a short enough period of time. It is equally hard to imagine their capturing the benefits that accrue only with a lag to other businesses in terms of more easily trained, more flexible, and therefore more productive workers. In short, there are places where social enterpreneurs will be able to step in but many others where benefits are either delayed or shared by the community at large in which they will not be able to step in as easily.

The other major drawback to social entrepreneurship is that it is difficult for social enterprises to achieve the sort of scale needed to really bring about change. Primarily this is due to the continual need to find staff and those willing to provide financial support who will readily take on added risk or responsibility for lower returns in the numbers required to keep up with the growing needs of the world economy for help.